March 17, 2005:
In the opening pages of Ploughing up the Farm,
Jerry Buckland says his book is concerned with the changing state
of farmers, mostly over the last fifty years. But you need only
thumb through the book to see that you will meet few, if any, farmers
in the pages that follow. Instead you will encounter charts, graphs,
tables, figures and enough notes at the end of each chapter to make
you into a part-time economist or a full-time bibliophobe. Expect
no angels to fly up out of the pages, harps in hand, singing you
verse; but do expect a professor to step forth, unrolling a supply-and-demand
graph, rolling up his sleeves, saying ‘You want to understand
what’s happening to farmers? Then let’s talk about the
facts.’
The core of Buckland’s book details how farming has changed
under what has come by many to be called ‘neoliberalism’—a
belief that the economy is better off in the (invisible) hands of
the market than of governments. It is the driving philosophy behind
the policies implemented by the major economic institutions of our
time: the IMF, the World Bank, the WTO. Such policies seek to eliminate
barriers to trade (hence the notion of free—or unobstructed—trade)
and let the market determine prices and production levels. The claim
is that free markets are efficient, by virtue of their competitive
nature, and allow for the benefits of comparative advantage through
specialized production (you grow what you’re good at, I’ll
grow what I’m good at, and we’ll trade).
Without polemics or sarcasm, and in a cool academic manner (each
chapter even has its own conclusion), Buckland offers evidence that
farmers have not benefited as proponents of neoliberalism claimed
they would. Transnational corporations have stepped into the policy-making
void that states left behind them, now steering with increasingly
visible hands the supposedly free and competitive markets. Through
mergers and acquisitions, companies have gained monopolies or oligopolies
that stifle competition. In some cases, as in U.S. poultry and livestock
rearing, the same parent company can raise, slaughter and process
animals under its subsidiaries so that “only the final product—chicken,
pork or beef—is sold on the market” (p. 59). The gene
revolution of the 1990s, while potentially benefiting farmers and
consumers, so far only seems to be an effort by corporations to
further control the market (plants are now engineered to produce
sterile seeds, or to have weaker immune systems unless a chemical
is applied to them). As for the free market, so often invoked with
ecclesiastical solemnity, it is a curious fact that the U.S. and
the E.U. decry the protectionist measures taken by poorer countries
seeking to develop fledgling industries while they themselves continue
to increase domestic farm subsidies each year.
In Chapter Four, the meatiest of the chapters, Buckland examines
various aspects of farm trade, including the reasons for the replacement
of GATT by the WTO in 1994, the debate over trade-related intellectual
property rights, and the effects of NAFTA on farmers in Canada and
Mexico. Along with his own analysis, he includes a potpourri of
highlighted excerpts from other texts that are relevant to the discussion.
For example, when describing export subsidies, he excerpts a Guardian
article by Joseph Stiglitz, the former chief economist of the World
Bank, about how Northern Hemisphere subsidies hurt Southern Hemisphere
farmers by flooding their markets with cheap cotton and powdered
milk. When describing NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement),
Buckland excerpts a 2002 article from the Union Farmer Monthly
that gives figures on how Canadian farmers fared under the free
trade agreements with the U.S.--Canadian agriculture and food exports
almost tripled but wages went up only slightly, farm debt doubled,
the price of wheat dropped while the price of bread increased, and
the number of farmers declined.
Buckland envisions what he calls a ‘farmer-led food security
approach,’ in which farmers, with the support of the state
and the market, are at the heart of decision-making about farm development.
He does not advocate a pure subsistence model, which would hurt
the urban poor who depend on cheap food, but rather “a level
of farm specialization that ensures food security for farm and city”
(p. 204). Although he goes into some detail about how to do this
and gives some recommendations on reforming economic institutions
like the WTO, the strength of the book lies in its earlier analyses.
Just brace yourself to encounter terms like price elasticity of
supply, trade distortion, transfer pricing and—that darling
euphemism of the IMF—structural adjustment. If you want to
understand the reasons behind the state of the world’s farmers
today, learning those terms is part of the required economic homework.
Ploughing up the Farm may not be easy to get through but,
like drinking cod liver oil or giving birth, the effort does not
go unrewarded.
Constantine Markides lives on Monhegan Island, Maine. He can
be reached at cons76@yahoo.com
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